Dialogues with
Decision Makers in Islamabad,
Pakistan
From 08.-11. of January I had the chance
to join 4 IPPNW Dialogues with Decisionmaker - meetings in Islamabad, Pakistan.
Dr. Ali Afridi
and Dr. Tipu Sultan from
the Pakistanian Doctors for Peace and Development had arranged meetings
with 3
high ranking politicians and with nuclear Physicist Prof. Pervez
Hoodbhoy. We were welcomed warmly
and with interest by each dialogue partner. Every meeting took about 90
to 120
minutes. IPPNW was represented through Dr. Sultan, Dr. Afridi, John
Loretz
(IPPNW Program director), and me.
All the
Pakistanian politicians shared our
wish for a world free of nuclear weapons but only Physicist Pervez
Hoodbhoy
agreed with us that Pakistan
should start disarming now. Besides the fear that Pakistan would be
„swallowed“
by India if it gave up it’s nuclear weapons, the central argument why
Pakistan
could not disarm at this point was:
„Disarmament has
to be multilateral. This
is impossible as long as the UN Security Council is as discriminatory
as it is
today“ or „We are for multilateral negotiations. The
security concerns of each country must be considered honestly and
without
double-standards“
Nuclear Weapon
States do not live up to
their disarmament obligations and claim to need Nuclear Weapons for
national
security. At the same time they do not permit Pakistan
to have Nuclear Weapons,
for security reasons.
A politician at the foreign ministry asked us
why we were pointing at Pakistans
nuclear weapons when there are alliances in the world which give non –
nuclear
weapon states access to nuclear weapons. Obviously he was referring to
the NATO
system of nuclear sharing which violates NPT articles I and II by
stationing
nuclear weapons in Europe. These
arguments were brought up repeatedly in each of the meetings and
although I
always had considered them to be most important , I was surprised
that it
was confirmed so clearly: The failure of disarmament by the official
nuclear
weapon states renders demands for the disarmament of others futile. The other main argument was the fear of India. For me it was hard to judge if this fear
is justified. But what I found characteristic in their argumentation
was the
claim that peaceful relations have to be established in the first place
BEFORE
disarmament can begin. This led me to the question if peaceful
relations can be
established during an on going arms –race.
In preparation
of the meetings I had
read about Pakistans purchase of nuclear weapon – capable aircrafts in
November
2006 (F16 and F17) from for about 5 Billion USD. Therefore I
wasn’t
surprised to hear from Prof.Hoodbhoy that the armsrace was indeed going
on at a
high level, being recently enlivened by the US –
Indo Nuclear deal.
Contrary to that
the politicians said that
Pakistan
was not increasing its nuclear force but only maintaining a minimal
deterrent.
They said the purchase of the aircrafts had been decided some time ago
(November 2006 !) and would not necessarily reflect todays policy
anymore.
A member
of the senate emphasized
that the situation between India
and Pakistan
was not at all comparable to the Cold War because there were no
ambitions for
global dominance. In the foreign ministry we were told that India has global ambitions but not Pakistan.
Pakistan would
only need its minimum deterrent for national „Security and Survival“.
Unfortunately I did not get an answer to my question on how the number
of
nuclear weapons needed for minimal deterrence is determined.
We raised the
question if Pakistan
actually could afford Nuclear Weapons, considering the poor health
indicators
of the country. (< 5 y. Child mortality 100/1000)
For example the purchase of fighter aircrafts
from
last November has cost Pakistan 5.5 Billion USD, about 16 times the
amount that
Pakistan
spends on health in a whole year. The answer we got was that the
military is
irreplaceably necessary for the survival of the country.
There was strong
disagreement on IPPNWs
point of view that Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear Energy are intractable
linked to
each other. The politicians said that economic growth requires nuclear
energy
and claimed that it is possible to separate the energy from the weapon
sector.
There was no understanding why India
gets supplied with Nuclear technology by the US
while Pakistan
shall not enlarge its civil nuclear sector. The Indo – Nuclear deal of
2005 provides India
not only with sensitive equipment but also permits them to keep some
power
plants out of the safeguard system which opens the possibility to
become a
nuclear weapon world-power, comparable to China, in the near future.
This of course
increases Pakistans
perception of being threatened and creates a feeling of unfairness. Pakistan has the perception that it is
a
strategic partner for the US
in the war on terror. An example is President Musharrafs book: “In the
line of
fire” in which he describes the heroic bounty hunt that he organized to
deliver
as many terror- suspicious individuals as possible to the US. Hence it is understandable that the Indo –
US Deal creates tensions in the region and presumably enhances the arms
race on
the sub –continent. It not only makes India
a potential nuclear world power but also instructs them to assure
“contingency”
of Pakistans
nuclear weapons in case of regime change.
These were the
main points that we
discussed with the politicians. Before reporting from the meeting with
Prof.
Hoodbhoy, here is one methodical observations that I made during the
dialogues. I asked a couple of hypothetical questions, like: If
India
disarms, will Pakistan
follow ? What will the nuclear weapon status of the world be in 100
years? The politicians reacted
surprised, it took
them time and stumbling to answer and they were unable to give a
concrete
answer. They either said that the question was too hypothetical to
answer or,
when estimating the status of worldwide nuclear armament in 100 years,
they
spoke about the technical possibilities of different countries to
develop
nuclear weapons. This
could be evidence that they never thought about such questions before,
never
imagined a situation in which Pakistan
could actually disarm its nuclear weapons.
But what I find most frightening is the
equation of
the POTENTIAL of countries to develop nuclear weapons with the actual
DEVELOPMENT of nuclear weapons without looking at motivations. Following this logic it is comprehensible
that Pakistan
increases its nuclear forces.
The meeting with
Prof. of Physics Pervez
Hoodbhoy was very interesting, he has worked against Nuclear Weapons
for a long
time and is socially engaged in Pakistan. He told us that about 30 - 40 % of the
economy in Pakistan
is owned by the army, (the 7th
largest army in the world)
including bakeries, gas stations etc. In this light, our theory that the army
creates tension and fear to
assure its own existence was consolidated. If the conflict with India
was
solved and everybody was feeling safe, what should the 1 Million army
people do
? Give up 40% of the national economy?
Prof Hoodbhoy provided us with materials on
the
US-Indo deal and with movies on the Kashmere Conflict and the
Pakistanian and
Indian Nuclear Weapon program. He had given a talk on the US –
Indo Deal the night before our
meeting in a school of military officers. Interesting to imagine how
their
reactions were !
During the
meeting I wished that we had
had him with us when meeting the politicians because he knew much
background
information on the NW program and the question of civil energy. Dr
Sultan
invited him as a speaker to the IPPNW World Congress 2008 in Delhi.
I hope that then
we will have a bigger
delegation, including Indian doctors, to build up on the experiences
and good
contacts we made this time, and do dialogues in Pakistan again before
the world
congress 2008.
Inga Blum
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